WASHINGTON — The congressional power to remove a president from office through impeachment is the ultimate bank check on the chief executive. No president has ever been forced from the White Business firm that way, although Richard Nixon resigned rather than having to confront the near certainty that he would be removed from office.

Congress derives the potency from the Constitution. The term "impeachment" is commonly used to mean removing someone from office, only it actually refers only to the filing of formal charges. If the House impeaches, the Senate and so holds a trial on those charges to determine whether the officer — a president or any other federal official — should be removed and barred from holding federal office in the future.

The House has impeached 19 people, by and large federal judges. 2 presidents, Andrew Johnson and Pecker Clinton, were impeached, but the Senate voted not to convict either of them. Nixon resigned after the Judiciary Committee approved three manufactures of impeachment but before the total Firm voted on them.

Image: Bill Clinton Impeachment
President Clinton walks to the podium to deliver a short statement on the impeachment inquiry in the Rose Garden of the White Firm on Dec. eleven, 1998. J. Scott Applewhite / AP file

The Constitution provides that a president tin can be impeached for "treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors." Treason and bribery are well understood, simply the Constitution does not define "high crimes and misdemeanors."

Congress has identified iii types of acquit that constitute grounds for impeachment, including misusing an function for financial gain. But the misdeeds need not be crimes. A president can be impeached for abusing the powers of the part or for acting in a manner considered incompatible with the part.

When Gerald Ford was a member of the House, he defined an impeachable offense as "whatever a bulk of the House of Representatives considers it to be at a given moment in history." In other words, impeachment and confidence by Congress is a political penalty, not a criminal one.

i. What constitutes an impeachable crime?

The founders intentionally kept the term "high crimes and misdemeanors" vague, because impeachment is meant to be a political human action, non a legal one. Unlike in criminal law, in that location are no clear rules for evaluating when a president has stepped over the constitutional line.

The founders rejected the term "maladministration" equally grounds for impeachment. They didn't want a president tossed out simply because Congress didn't think he was doing a skillful job. Alexander Hamilton said impeachable offenses were those that involved abuse of public trust. The term is generally understood to hateful abuse of office that results in impairment to the public.

The House impeached Andrew Johnson in 1868 during a fight over reconstruction after the Ceremonious War. Near of the manufactures of impeachment accused him of violating a federal law, since repealed, that said a president could non remove certain officials without Senate approving.

President Richard Nixon announces that he will not allow his legal counsel, John Dean, to testify on Capitol Hill on the Watergate investigation in 1973.
President Richard Nixon announces that he volition not allow his legal counsel, John Dean, to testify on Capitol Hill on the Watergate investigation in 1973. Charlie Tasnadi / AP file

The Business firm Judiciary Committee approved three articles of impeachment confronting Nixon in 1974, charging him with:

  • Obstruction of justice, for impeding the investigation into the break-in at Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate office building;
  • Corruption of power, for trying to employ the CIA, FBI and other agencies to cover upward the Watergate conspiracy; and
  • Contempt of Congress, for refusing to plough over fabric in response to congressional subpoenas.

The Business firm approved two articles of impeachment against President Bill Clinton in 1998, charging him with:

  • Lying nether oath to a grand jury well-nigh the nature of his relationships with Monica Lewinsky and Paula Jones; and
  • Obstacle of justice, for encouraging Lewinsky and others to brand fake statements and concealing gifts he had given her.

2. How is the Trump investigation different from what happened with Clinton?

Iii committees in the Firm — Intelligence, Oversight and Strange Affairs — are conducting investigations, gathering documents and calling witnesses in the inquiry into Trump. In the Clinton impeachment, one committee, the House Judiciary, relied heavily on a written report compiled past Kenneth Starr, the independent counsel who led the investigation, that listed 11 possible grounds for impeachment in four categories — perjury, obstacle of justice, witness tampering and abuse of power.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., has said that while the Intelligence Committee will take the lead in investigating Trump, the actual vote on specific manufactures of impeachment will exist conducted past the Judiciary Committee and could draw on the conclusions of other House committees, too, though that seems unlikely. The process of voting on the articles, known as the commission marking-upward, volition exist televised and volition likely take place over several days.

Business firm Judiciary took vi days to recommend articles of impeachment against Nixon in July 1974 and three days to recommend articles of impeachment against Clinton in December 1998.

If approved by a simple bulk, the articles are reported to the full House and are privileged, meaning they can come up for immediate consideration, including potentially several days of debate. The president is impeached if the House approves any of the articles of impeachment by a simple bulk vote. The House then appoints members to serve equally "managers," or prosecutors, for the Senate trial.

3. Must the House pass a resolution to officially launch an impeachment investigation?

The Constitution imposes no such requirement, and Business firm rules don't either, even though authorizing resolutions were passed in each of the three previous presidential impeachments.

Rep. Peter Rodino, D-N.J., who was chairman of House Judiciary in 1974 during the Nixon instance, called passing a resolution "a necessary stride." Firm rules does not place jurisdiction over impeachment in any specific commission, and Rodino said that in past impeachments the House had passed a resolution to give the investigating committee subpoena power. But the electric current Business firm leadership has said that such a resolution isn't needed, considering the relevant committees already have the necessary subpoena and staffing authority.

Image: Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee Peter Rodino reads his opening statement during an impeachment hearing against President Richard Nixon on May 9, 1974.
Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee Peter Rodino reads his opening argument during an impeachment hearing against President Richard Nixon on May 9, 1974. Bettmann Annal via Getty Images

White Firm counsel Pat Cipollone is correct in saying that the Business firm "has never attempted to launch an impeachment inquiry against the president without a bulk of the Firm taking political accountability for that decision" by passing a resolution.

But such a vote is non required. The Firm has voted to impeach federal judges without passing a resolution to authorize an investigation, and the Firm procedure for impeaching judges and presidents is the same. Even so, House Democrats will agree a vote Thursday to clarify the rules for public hearings, fifty-fifty though a federal judge said on Oct. 25 that "a House resolution has never, in fact, been required to begin an impeachment inquiry."

4. Would passing a resolution give Congress say-so to become k jury cloth, such as bear witness gathered during the Robert Mueller investigation?

Not necessarily. A fight over this consequence is now in federal court, and the House won the start round.

The House leans on what happened in 1974. Later on a federal grand jury in Washington finished an investigation of the Watergate scandal, information technology prepared a special written report on its findings and recommended that its work exist forwarded to the House Judiciary Committee, which had begun impeachment proceedings.

Estimate John Sirica ruled that while the yard jury's work was secret, he had the authority to release the material to the House. He said that the normal reasons for keeping thousand jury proceedings hole-and-corner — such as preventing the escape of someone who might be indicted or insulating the thousand jury from outside influence — no longer practical in one case the thousand jury's piece of work was washed. And he noted that Nixon did not object to letting the Firm commission get the textile. That's an important fact.

A federal appeals court agreed with Sirica'southward decision, and the grand jury material was turned over to the House.

Since and so, the federal courts take narrowed the ability of judges to declare exceptions to grand jury secrecy. Earlier this year, for example, the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals said in a unlike instance that at that place's no exception allowing historians to get admission. The court said it interpreted what Sirica did in Watergate as allowed under a federal rule that allows giving yard jury material to the House for "judicial proceedings." Just that was said in a footnote: Information technology was not the belongings in the case, and that comment did not make any new police force.

The Justice Department'south view is that the issue isn't settled. It said in a recent filing in the electric current lawsuit that no court has e'er squarely decided whether a House impeachment proceeding qualifies as an exception to longstanding rules of one thousand jury secrecy. And if Trump — dissimilar Nixon — explicitly objects to turning the cloth over, that could exist a decisive factor.

In late October, Federal District Courtroom Gauge Beryl Howell ordered the Justice Department to give the Firm Judiciary Committee an unredacted version of the Mueller report, forth with some underlying materials. She ended that the requirement for preserving grand jury secrecy was outweighed by the House Judiciary Committee'due south need for the material in its impeachment investigation. The Justice Department immediately appealed.

5. Do the president's lawyers get to participate in the House impeachment hearings?

This bespeak is sometimes misunderstood. Later the White Business firm counsel complained that no Trump lawyers have been allowed to take role in the House commission sessions, many commentators said that the criticism was misplaced, because Trump's lawyers would get their chance in the Senate trial, non in the Firm proceeding. But that's not how information technology has worked before.

Image: White House Counsels Bruce Lindsey, left, and Charles Ruff depart the White House with President Bill Clinton's personal attorneys Nicole Seligman and David Kendall, right, on Feb. 12, 1999.
White Firm Counsels Bruce Lindsey, left, and Charles Ruff depart the White Firm with President Pecker Clinton'due south personal attorneys Nicole Seligman and David Kendall, right, on Feb. 12, 1999. Khue Bui / AP file

In both the Nixon and Clinton proceedings, lawyers for the president were involved in the Business firm impeachment process. In 1974, the Judiciary Commission gave Nixon's lawyers copies of documents and show, allowed them to sit in on all hearings, including those in executive session, and permitted them to question witnesses who testified before the committee. Clinton's lawyers were likewise allowed to present witnesses and to briefly question Starr, the independent counsel whose report formed the backbone of the case for impeachment.

In the current proceedings, the House Judiciary Committee recently adopted a rule allowing the president's lawyers to reply to bear witness and testimony in writing. But at that place is no requirement for such an adaptation to the president'due south lawyers, and at that place was no such arrangement when the Business firm impeached Andrew Johnson.

6. Must the Senate hold a trial, or can information technology simply sit on the House manufactures of impeachment?

The Constitution simply says the Senate has "the sole power to endeavor all impeachments," and some scholars take suggested this means the Senate is empowered but not required to acquit out this function. But Senate rules suggest that information technology'due south a duty, non an pick. Notation the discussion "shall" in Senate Impeachment Rule One:

"Whensoever the Senate shall receive observe from the House of Representatives that managers are appointed on their role to conduct an impeachment confronting any person and are directed to carry manufactures of impeachment to the Senate, the Secretary of the Senate shall immediately inform the Business firm of Representatives that the Senate is ready to receive the managers for the purpose of exhibiting such manufactures of impeachment, agreeably to such notice."

In any event, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., has said: "Under the impeachment rules of the Senate, we'll take the matter up. ... We intend to practise our constitutional responsibility."

seven. How does a Senate trial work?

The Constitution lays out merely three requirements: The chief justice presides over the Senate trial of a president (only not the trial of any other official); each senator must be sworn (similar to the mode jurors take an adjuration); and a 2-thirds vote is required to convict on any article of impeachment.

One time the preliminaries are out of the fashion, the trial takes place under procedures like to courtrooms. The Business firm managers make an opening statement, followed by a argument from lawyers for the president.

During impeachments of judges, the evidence is generally presented during committee hearings at which the House managers call their witnesses, who can be cross-examined. And and so the opposite happens, with the president's counsel calling witnesses who can be cross-examined past the House managers. The Senate has nonetheless to make up one's mind whether, if Trump is impeached, witnesses will be allowed to testify to the total Senate.

Image: Reporters listen to Monica Lewinsky's testimony during the Senate impeachment trial of President Bill Clinton in 1999.
Reporters listen to Monica Lewinsky'due south testimony during the Senate impeachment trial of President Bill Clinton in 1999. David Hume Kennerly / Getty Images file

There's no requirement for the president to appear, and he cannot be compelled to evidence.

Similar jurors in a trial, senators sit and listen. The rules say if they have questions, they can submit them in writing to be asked by the master justice.

Later both sides brand their closing arguments, the Senate begins deliberations, traditionally in closed session. The Senate and then votes separately on each article of impeachment, which must have place in open up session.

8. What is the role of the chief justice?

It'south limited. The Senate has not adopted rules of evidence, but the rules give the chief justice the authority to determine on all evidentiary questions. He can also put the questions to the full Senate for a vote on admissibility. Chief Justice William Rehnquist, who presided over the Clinton impeachment, quoted from Gilbert and Sullivan in responding to a letter inquiring virtually his fourth dimension as presiding officer: "I did nil in item, and I did it very well."

9. Could the president pardon himself if he's impeached?

No. The same constitutional provision that gives the president the power "to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the The states" adds this phrase: "except in cases of impeachment."

10. What would happen if the Senate bedevilled Trump?

He would be immediately removed from part, triggering the 25th Subpoena. Vice President Mike Pence would become president.

Image: President Donald Trump speaks to reporters as he arrives for a meeting at the Pentagon, accompanied by Vice President Mike Pence in Arlington, Virginia, U.S.
U.S. President Donald Trump speaks to reporters equally he arrives for a meeting at the Pentagon, accompanied by Vice President Mike Pence in Arlington, Virginia on Jan. xviii, 2018. Carlos Barria / Reuters

That would create a vacancy in the office of vice president, so Pence would nominate someone to succeed him, who would become vice president upon confirmation by both houses of Congress.

This is the procedure followed when Nixon resigned. Ford, the vice president, became president and nominated as vice president sometime New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller, who was confirmed after extensive congressional hearings.